Israel

The state, the society, the war, the present hour.

Sedรฉ Teiman and False Equivalence

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Whatever crimes were committed at Sedรฉ Teiman and other bases/prisons need to be investigated and the perpetrators need to be tried and fully punished, not just for immediate justice but to reform the popular indifference in too many circles towards war crimes, crimes against Israeli law, and crimes against the human conscience. The accusations are horrific. Examples must be made.

However.

It’s possible to effectively critique the rhetorical mobilization of “terrorism” to selectively punish certain classes of actors and deny them due process, without making a false equivalence between Hamas and the IDF.

The fact that most Palestinians’ experience of the IDF is understandably (and inexcusably, from my religious Zionist perspective) one of occupation, siege, or bombing, does not make the IDF the same as the military wing of an organization chartered to genocide Israelis, or the crimes of IDF soldiers – who are investigated and punished for violating Israeli and international law, even under a political regime trying its damnedest to defend and excuse them – similar to the crimes of Hamas soldiers, who violate international law (and sharia) with impunity as a matter of strategy, tactics, and ideology.

I don’t think the IDF deserves to be put on a pedestal – it’s just an army and it’s susceptible to the same lapses and crimes as any army. And the blindness of many Israelis towards the crimes committed by some of their sons and daughters deserves outspoken criticism, *primarily* from other Israelis and Jewish people. But this equivocation with Hamas is part of a parallel blindness towards fascism (and an affliction of latent antisemitism, among other things) that infects the meritorious pro-Palestinian movement.

Zionism for Palestinians

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Zionism for Palestinians?

I’ve been having great discussions with listeners to The Z Word ‘s first episode, my conversation with Palestinian author Mo Husseini .

A central point of not conflict nor disagreement but, rather I would say, creative tension, between Mo and I was in the relevance of Zionism to Palestinians.

Mo represented an honest perspective: Zionism can mean different things to different people, granted, but beyond dealing with the localized (and often adverse) effects of Zionism on Palestinian lives, why should Palestinians care about Zionism? Isn’t it just something that the Jews are doing “over there”?

I, in response, made a brief argument for Zionism’s relevance to Palestinians.

I want to elaborate a bit more on why I think joining the Zionist discourse is not just relevant to Palestinians but, suggesting as a non-Palestinian, possibly desirable for them.

Firstly, I think that being subject to the localized effects of Zionism – whether under the current conditions of occupation and discrimination or in a situation where a future Palestinian state must partner with the Israeli state – is sufficient to make developing an active concern with its voices, institutions, policies, and direction a priority to Palestinians not just in the West Bank but “Israel proper.” From this purely pragmatic perspective alone, I think Zionism – as an irreversible fact of life not just in the modern Levant – is clearly relevant to Palestinians.

But beyond the pragmatic level, I think that the Palestinian national aim – to establish a just and autonomous society on this land of their ancestors, free from foreign colonialism and imperialism – is so closely aligned with the Israeli national aim that their attainments mutually coincide. Far from being an ideology of foreign invasion and exploitation, Zionism was and is a liberation movement of indigenous de-colonization, which for Israelis included an explicit process of leaving socio-political exile and reestablishing traditional society in their homeland. The intersection with Palestinian liberation and de-colonization is obvious – as is the shared dream of a just, democratic society. (Shared by most – obviously both Israelis and Palestinians deal with their own internal fascist demons and reactionary religious conservatives.) Zionism, in this sense, can serve Palestinians equally well as a vehicle and vector for realizing their national dream, as it does Israelis.

Furthermore, in my personal (controversial) opinion, while Palestinians and Jews are two separate peoples, we are actually majority descended from the same nation of Israel (which, again in my personal and controversial opinion, was called Palaistine in both Jewish and non-Jewish Hellenistic sources). The Romans did not succeed in driving out the entire nation, and many Israelites remained in this land after the Roman conquest. In the face of waves of colonization over the ensuing centuries, many Israelites eventually chose to adopt Christianity and/or Islam and an independent consciousness of peoplehood emerged among their descendants here in this land. While many foreigners came and joined them over the years, the exact same thing can be said of every Israelite community in the diaspora. This historical narrative makes a lot more sense to me than competing narratives which position either Palestinians or Israelis as essential interlopers in the land, based on superficial demographic markers and what I contend amount to the effects of colonization. Accordingly, Zionism – in its pursuit of Israelite autonomy – is as much the heritage of Palestinians as it is of Israelis, and the cultural dimension of Zionism (including the Kookian revivalism and renaissance of Israelite culture in all its spiritual and creative depth and diversity) may itself be further accessible to and expanded by the unruptured relationship with land (as well as the Christian and Islamic elements, redeemed of their imperialism and supremacism) of the Palestinian (-Israelite) people.

So there you have it:

We share the same roots.

We share the same land.

And I would go so far as to say that we share the same future.

Can we share the dream of Zion?

Kollelim as National Service

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I respect Haredim.

I think that their counter-cultural ethos is inspirational and the construction of a lifestyle revolving around the study and observance of Torah is admirable.

I, too, value the study of Torah and in fact I think that it can be a valid form of national service, on par with army service, in its own way.

The past century has painfully reminded us, again and again, that we need soldiers, pilots, and commanders.

In this stage of history, in this world of violence, that is undeniable.

But we also need – have always needed – dedicated researchers, thinkers, and writers, imbued with the values and commitments of the Torah, to study and contemplate and illuminate the pressing questions of state and communal policy, from the unique perspective of the Torah’s texts and traditions.

We need units of kollelim studying the major sugiyoth of our time and presenting informative literature and lectures to advise and guide our leaders through the crises of this era and of this year.

We need the best and brightest Talmudic minds expending every effort to plumb the depths of Torah for solutions to our society’s problems.

Now it’s true that this form of national service isn’t right for everybody – there will have to be standards for enrollment and maintenance, tests and evaluations, and supervision by qualified, competent heads of kollelim and yeshiboth.

Those who would rather hang out at the pizza shop, or protest army service in the streets, or climb construction cranes, instead of dedicating their lives to Torah study for the sake of teaching it to our nation at the most critical times, need not apply.

But the religious reform I envision for this country can and should recognize the unique contributions the Haredi sector can make to our national defense and welfare, on our own terms as the nation of Israel.

The Z Word Launches

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The Z Word – open and honest conversations with Palestinians and Israelis about Zionism, the land, the conflict, and the hope for a shared future…

These are going to be an amazing series of convos. Barukh Hashem, I have some great guests lined up.

What Mamdani Could Have Said

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“My dearly beloved fellow New Yorkers,

It’s an honor and privilege to not only be one of you but to fight for this opportunity to represent and lead you – all of you.

New York is a city that is strong because of its diversity, not just in terms of of culture – although we’ve been blessed with generations of immigrants who have helped make this city the unique mosaic of humanity that it is – but in terms of opinion.

New Yorkers pride themselves in taking an educated interest in the affairs of not just this dynamic city but of the whole world, including the countries from which many New Yorkers – or their parents, or their grandparents – proudly hail.

New Yorkers pride themselves in having passionate opinions and are never afraid to voice their opinions, even when in disagreement with the establishment, the consensus, or their neighbors.

This attitude creates an irreplaceable common culture of free inquiry, open discussion, and constructive criticism that permeates every project, every initiative, and every organization in this great city.

We would be fools not to recognize not just the necessity but the beauty of this diversity of opinion in making New York, our shared home, the unique treasure it is.

Right now, however, not all New Yorkers are feeling like New York is still their home.

Jewish New Yorkers in particular, who have lived and served in our community for centuries, are experiencing not just harassment but violence, tragically at the hands of their fellow New Yorkers, at unprecedented levels in New York history. Too many Jewish New Yorkers have personally been attacked by thugs hiding behind their personal opinions and political ideologies. In the name of criticizing the state of Israel – which, as you know, I’ll be the first to criticize but nevertheless millions of Jewish New Yorkers support for legitimate reasons that I’ll be the first to admit have nothing to do with Palestinians – synagogues, schools, and community centers have become targets for hate.

Here.

In New York City.

Our New York.

My friends, this situation – like so many other highly problematic aspects of the status quo – simply can’t be allowed to continue.

Vandalism, intimidation, harassment, assault, and all other forms of deplorable violence, even when disguised and justified as “political activism,” have no place in our city. Period.

The free and passionate expression of differences of opinion in our city depends on accepting this fact.

As mayor, it will be among my top priorities not only to implement policies that restore economic justice to a city struggling under the heavy burdens of rising costs, unemployment, and corporate monopolization, but that protect each and every community that comprises the beautifully diverse tapestry of our city – that make sure every New Yorker knows that they are not just safe but respected.

I want Jewish New Yorkers to know that I will work for them just as hard as I will work for every other New Yorker.

That their safety – their contribution, their presence – is valued just as much as every other New Yorker’s.

I want to invite all New Yorkers to join me in this mission – to make New York an affordable, safe home for all New Yorkers.

Together, we can make it happen.

Next question, please.”

– what Mamdani could have said ๐Ÿคท

A Dangerous Time to Be a Zionist

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Thoughts on the current situation, on this evening after the departure of Shabbath:

This is a dangerous time to be a Zionist.

On the one hand, Nazi- and Soviet-era anti-Zionism is alive and infecting both the modern Islamic world and Leftist movements worldwide. Propagandists have successfully equated Zionism and genocide in the minds of millions of people, and violence against Jewish people carried out in the name of anti-Zionism is at an all time high. Jewish people in every country are being put in the impossible position of having to either disown Israel or accept condemnation and punishment as a supporter of genocide.

On the other hand, an objectively fascist government has taken over the USA and is mobilizing “Zionism” as a pretext for suppressing free speech and other gross violations of the rights of citizens and legal residents alike, as part of a broader transformation of the country into its vision of a White Christian utopia. This “Zionism” is weaponized not just against Palestinians and Muslims but also Jewish people who have freely expressed their opinions on the state, government, military, and/or wartime conduct of Israel. It is a “Zionism” that subverts real Zionism, replacing traditional Zionist values of holiness, justice, law, land, etc, with an eschatological battle between projected (and ultimately symbolic) ethno-national groups eventually leading to global Christian domination.

Say you’re a Zionist and someone’s bound to get the wrong idea, one way or another.

But nevertheless, here we Jewish people are, still dreaming of Zion. โค๏ธ

A land, a city, of justice and holiness, of reverence for the divine image in humanity and fellowship among all human beings.

Zion. The banner of the prophets, the prayer of history, the call to return to God, to land, to ourselves.

Those of us who live in harmony with our traditions and with each other know:

Zionism is not the cause of this conflict but rather its solution.

Political Zionism Is Autonomy

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Morning meditation on political Zionism:

The political component to Zionism is not Jewish sovereignty over the land.

According to Jewish tradition, the Creator was, is, and forever will be the sovereign over this land and all lands. We are just migrants, tenants granted the right to reside here and the responsibility to live with the land’s sanctity and natural sensitivity to injustice.

What political Zionism seeks to promote is Jewish autonomy.

The freedom to rule ourselves according to our laws and values, without external oppression, persecution, or pressure to participate in a supremacist social hierarchy.

Jewish people believe that the Creator brought us to this land in order for us to exercise that freedom, in safety, security, and holiness. Over the millenia our ancestors lived, prayed, and died in this land, our traditional culture was born and flourished in its mountains and its plains, its coasts and its wilderness.

But land – protected space – is just a precondition for full autonomy.

Full autonomy, according to Jewish tradition, finds expression in lawful self-governance. The ื‘ืŸ ื—ื•ืจื™ืŸ autonomous individual is the one paradoxically bound by the laws of the Torah. As a nation, full autonomy is found in our laws.

“The tablets were inscribed with autonomy”

Physically returning to the land is inarguably necessary.

Mentally healing from the exile is essential.

But the political goal of the re-establishment of Israelite civilization in the land of Israel is the reassertion of Israelite autonomy – and that comes through the establishment of a fully-functioning lawful society.

“There is no sanctity except in the Laws”

In the merit of our rejoicing in both the Torah and the return of our captive brothers to the embrace of our national family, may we merit to achieve full autonomy in this land in the establishment of a lawful, just, and holy society dedicated to the liberation and elevation of all sentient beings through the civilizational program of our sacred Torah. You know, political Zionism. ๐Ÿ˜‰

Genocide Accusation as Blood Libel

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On October 7th, 2023, the Hamas military invaded southern Israel. For an entire day, they systematically murdered every Jewish person they found. Their stated goal was to join with Hezbollah forces scheduled to invade northern Israel on the same day, and together with militant cells in the West Bank successfully wipe out millions of Jewish people.

From October 7th, 2023 onward, for a period of two years, the IDF invaded, bombed, and shelled the Gaza Strip, targeting military tunnels, weapons caches, and Hamas units densely embedded and enmeshed amongst and under civilians, their homes, their schools, and their hospitals. Their stated goal was to rescue the captive Israelis that Hamas kidnapped and to destroy Hamas as an organization.

To my mind, one of these is clearly attempted genocide.

The other is not.

However, it would seem that there are many, many people – some of whom I would even count as friends – who disagree with this rather straightforward assessment.

Since October 7th, I have read and heard arguments from anti-Zionists accusing Israel of genocide in Gaza.

Not just war crimes, not even ethnic cleansing, but genocide.

While the accusation originates in authoritarian state propaganda and is largely promoted by ignorant talking heads via memes and reels, it also has the support of several academic bodies dedicated to the study of international human rights law and genocide studies (as well as a bogus pseudo-academic fake institute, but I won’t dignify them with inclusion here).

These academics published and co-signed a paper suggesting that according to the standard and accepted definition of genocide, Israel is commiting genocide against Palestinians. As proof of this claim, they cited: select statements by Israeli politicians, the “totality of evidence” of the war’s devastating impact, select instances of IDF soldiers targeting civilians, and the widely-circulated casualty statistic claiming that roughly 3% of the population was killed.

Based on this paper, co-signed by several reputable academic centers for genocide studies, I am supposed to believe that Israel has committed genocide in Gaza.

If I don’t accept this supposed consensus, then apparently I am a “genocide denier.”

๐Ÿค”

Here’s why I am not persuaded by the argument.

1. Cherry-picking statements from hyperbolic politicians who ALSO made many statements asserting the goal of self-defense and the need for humanitarian aid for Gazans, completely fails the standard of the “only possible interpretation” of these statements being genocidal intent.

2. The recourse to the “totality of evidence” in the alleged absence of direct evidence of genocidal intent is completely unnecessary: the direct evidence available – in the form of all the measures the IDF took to protect Gazan life, from sending warning phone calls and leaflets to evacuating civilians to literally scheduling airstrikes in advance – indicates that there was no genocidal intent.

3. While over 70% of the Gaza Strip was reduced to rubble, only 3% of the Gazan population was killed in this war. The wild disparity between these two percentages indicates that rather than wantonly disregarding Gazan life, let alone targeting Gazans for slaughter, the IDF waged war in a densely-packed urban setting without genocidal intent.

4. Gazans are not a separate religious, ethnic, or national group. They are part of the Palestinian people. While Gazans were dying from Israeli airstrikes by the thousands, millions of Palestinians across Israel were completely safe from any threat of genocide; in fact, they were in greater danger from rockets and missiles from Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran. While military measures in the West Bank intensified and settler crimes against Palestinians increased, there was no genocidal targeting of Palestinians as a religious, ethnic, or national group at any point in the past two years.

5. As mentioned above, only 3% of the Gazan population died in this war. That number is not just civilians – it includes Hamas soldiers. And the fact that, on analysis, it actually *disproportionately* includes Hamas soldiers as opposed to, say, children (roughly half the population), indicates not only a lack of genocidal intent but a lack of genocidal *outcome*.

Kappara, this war has been undeniably devastating for Gazans.

The question itself of whether we have committed genocide or come close to committing genocide, is a valid question.

The debate itself in international human rights law regarding the meaning, nature, and definition of genocide, is a valid debate.

It is also clear that the IDF did not always follow its own policies and it may even be that war crimes were committed over the past two years.

Israel is a democracy dedicated to the rule of law, and we can and should investigate everything that needs investigation.

Howthebleepever.

The accusation of genocide, in light of the evidence, is a blood libel.

Its origins, its memes, its subtext, its imputation of ultimate guilt, its baselessness, make it a blood libel.

Not everyone who believes it is a rabid antisemite – but everyone who believes it has bought into modern antisemitism on some level. Including those Jewish people who support, repeat, and insist on the truth of the libel.

As I’ve written previously, I believe that Zionism must reckon with the devastation of Gaza, and that a new future must be built from the ashes of both Beeri and Gaza. And as anyone who has read my posts knows, I’m the last one to place the Israeli state, government, or military beyond criticism.

But the truth is the truth.

May the genocides actually occurring right now across the world be swiftly stopped, and may the world know no more genocide.

May a just peace come to this land and may Palestinians and Israelis together take the right steps forward towards a shared future of liberty, equality, and security for all.

The Road Leads to Zion

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Yesterday I saw a video of an execution on Facebook.

A row of kneeling men, shot in the head from behind.

The person who shared the video asserted that the shooters were Hamas soldiers, the victims were men accused of “collaboration” with Israeli forces. From what little I could tell, this was the case.

This event happened after the ceasefire went into effect and while the kidnapped Israeli captives were being returned to Israel.

Like the war itself at the beginning, I accept this ceasefire now for its necessity while harboring many questions and doubts.

It is necessary to stop bombing Gazans without a strategy or endgame or even evaluation of our tactics. It is necessary to rescue our kidnapped citizens. It is necessary to chart a new course forward, that neither abdicates responsibility for the populations of Gaza and the West Bank nor supports fascist enemies as “assets” for political expediency.

But there are many points in Trump’s updated Biden Plan that raise eyebrows, if not red flags. And the key security assurances depend on Hamas disarming, accepting an international transitional force, and withdrawing from Gaza.

None of which they have agreed to do.

While they apparently reorganize as a “police force” and execute Gazan dissidents.

Look, I’m glad the kidnapped captives are reunited with their families. I’m glad the airstrikes have stopped. I have deep gratitude to the Creator for these undeniably good things, and I recognize that neither our relationship with divine justice nor the tools it utilizes to achieve its implacable ends, are uncomplicated or pure.

But this deal – Biden’s deal – is a bad deal.

As much as I detest Benjamin Netanyahu for being a generally incompetent and criminal prime minister, and for unnecessarily prolonging this war in particular, this deal was and is a bad deal.

And if Donald Juniper Trump contributed to this deal, what he contributed was political pressure and/or guarantees (the ol’ carrot and stick) to Benjamin Netanyahu in order to persuade him to accept a bad deal.

It’s unsurprising that POTUS would be so proud of a bad deal for Israel (and Gazans, if we’re being honest). The mess he’s proudly made of his own country suggests that he’s not the man to bring about peace in the Middle East.

(So, no Noble Prize for him.)

But it seems that Israelis and Palestinians will be footing the bill for this deal in years (if not months) to come. (More exemplary leadership from the worst prime minister in Israeli history.)

But where does that leave us?

We still have a democracy. As the war (or this round of it) officially draws to a close, we can turn our focus to next year’s elections and the long-overdue investigations of the politicians and bureaucrats responsible for October 7. There is no longer any political excuse for delaying action on these crucial matters. For two years we’ve held off on holding our leaders accountable. The bill has come due.

We still have joy. Communities across Israel had a dual celebration last night and today – the regular celebration of the Torah on the eight day after the joyous festival of Sukkoth, which was stolen from us for two years and only resumed today – and the unprecedented celebration of the release and reunification of kidnapped captives with their families and friends and people, after they were stolen from us two years ago. Across Israel, we sang “the children have returned to their land” like never before. That joy was palpable and is a source of great power, if we nurture and bring it with us into the days ahead.

We still have each other. Despite every effort by the Russo-Sino-Iranian Axis to isolate and turn the world against Israel; to coerce Gazans into embracing Hamas; to radicalize Israelis and Palestinians, and their respective supporters, against each other – despite the horrors and devastation and trauma of war and occupation and loss, the bridges burned and the alliances torched in the livestreamed shock of rubble and bodies, the skyrocketing mistrust of the other’s intentions and good faith – despite this dirty diaper of a deal that neither ensures Israelis’ security nor grants Palestinians autonomy – Israelis and Palestinians here in this land are still talking to each other, quietly, two here and three there, as neighbors and fellows bound to the same land with the same fate. So much went so wrong in the wake of Oct 7, and we’re slowly picking up the pieces – together.

I don’t know what bends, twists, and dangers the road ahead will bring.

But I know where the road leads.

Peace. Justice. Security.

For all.

Zion.

Last Day of Captivity

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Really felt the
ื–ื” ื”ื™ื•ื ืขืฉื” ื™ื™ื™
ื ื’ื™ืœื” ื•ื ืฉืžื—ื” ื‘ื•
vibe during Hallel today

Last Hallel of Sukkoth

Last day of captivity